A Nexus of Strategic, Economic, and Humanitarian Importance: Djibouti and Sudanese Crisis

pratham maheshwari

Djibouti is a country of 23,200 square kilometres located on the Horn of Africa with a population of slightly more than a million people. It is also a member of the Arab League, the African Union and La Francophonie. Moreover, because of such a vast and diverse military foothold of other nations, Djibouti is also known as the ‘most valuable military real estate’ in the world. Various superpowers view the nation as being of vital strategic importance, inspiring engagement of a military and economic nature. In fact, military rent accounts for approximately 10% of Djibouti’s GDP. The recent Sudanese crisis opened the door to an altogether novel and noble dimension of cooperation in the humanitarian arena, necessitating a reappraisal of Djibouti’s presence on the radar of Great Powers. 

Djibouti’s economic and commercial relevance is largely premised upon its critical location on the Bab al-Mandab Strait, one of the world’s busiest, at the entrance to the Red Sea. Goods transported from Asia to Europe through the Strait and the Suez Canal upstream must pass nearby the country. Roughly 10% of the world’s trade passes along Djibouti’s coast, within earshot of the coast. Great Powers such as the USA, France, Japan, and China have therefore been encouraged to establish military bases along Djibouti’s shores to compete for control of global supply chains.

Various other countries also utilise their military bases in Djibouti for fulfilling their own purposes. For instance, the USA has historically used its bases there as a means to conduct anti-terror operations. European states also perceive it as an imperative strategic base at the mouth of the sea. France’s military presence in Djibouti originates from the latter’s status as a French colony until 1977. After achieving independence, Djibouti signed agreements allowing France to maintain a military presence in the country in return for air protection and substantial rent payments. A nearby Italian naval base was built for anti-piracy and counter-terrorism purposes. The United Kingdom, Germany, and Spain rely on bases of their own for similar purposes. 

China had initially established its military base in 2017 as a means to conduct anti-piracy operations, but later, used it to assert its strategic influence over the region and include scarcely-resourced Djibouti in its ambitious Belt and Road Initiative alongside its more resource-rich neighbours. Japan counters the Chinese presence with one of its own, with a particular eye to protecting its strategic interests in major Sea Lanes of Communication. India too is also gradually increasing its presence in the region as Saudi Arabia prepares to establish a base of its own. Russia is the only Great Power to have had its bid for a base declined at the insistence of Western powers. 

Djibouti’s dependence on the rents received from the world’s great military powers cannot be overstated. Its otherwise fragile economy is now being buttressed by heavy infrastructural investments for which it has accumulated a tremendous amount of debt. China has leveraged its position as a willing financier to pursue projects such as additional port development. Despite its financial vulnerability, Djibouti’s financial and security safety blankets are too lucrative to abandon.

The recent Sudanese crisis has introduced a novel use for the plethora of military installments in Djibouti. The USA had positioned its military forces there as a contingency in case of emergency. Just last year, MH-47 Chinook helicopters carrying elite Navy SEAL commandos rescued Embassy staff and relocated them to the American base in Djibouti. Japan dispatched two transport aircraft and an aerial refuelling aircraft carrying personnel, vehicles, and other equipment to its base in Djibouti as part of its own evacuation endeavours. Chinese naval ships carrying evacuees to Saudi Arabia's port also made a stop at their Chinese base in Djibouti. France, Italy, and Spain also used Djibouti as part of their evacuation efforts. Djibouti’s relative political stability within the Horn of Africa and proximity to war-torn areas facilitates its role as a ‘safe-spot’ to where evacuees can be transported. 

Djibouti has further proven a reliable player to various nations during tense geopolitical crises. The U.S. deployed a special crisis response team of Marines to its base in 2013 when the South Sudan conflict intensified. In 2016, when Japan had to rescue its personnel and citizens from South Sudan, a C-130 transport plane and land transport equipment were deployed to Djibouti. The base proved an essential hub for transportation and logistics support to Japanese peacekeepers of UNMISS during 2012-2017 due to Djibouti’s proximity to South Sudan. Moreover, medical aid was also provided from the base when terrorists attacked a natural gas plant in Algeria in 2013 during which 10 Japanese citizens were killed. In 2019, the Chinese also evacuated hundreds of citizens from Yemen and transported them to Djibouti as Civil War flared. Djibouti has been used as a platform for humanitarian efforts in the past, although sporadically. The ongoing Sudanese Crisis, however, and the many evacuation efforts so far conducted using the country as a base of operations demonstrate that a perception of Djibouti as a humanitarian linchpin has proliferated. 

The juxtaposition of foreign military bases in Djibouti can enmesh the government in a geopolitical playground. Opposing narratives and accusations of the government’s favouritism to certain nations over others do exist, but Djibouti has nonetheless managed to play powers off of each other to ensure political volatility does not compromise its core economic, security, and political stability. However, certain criticisms of Djibouti’s government are more widely held than others. The country is characterised by extreme poverty and unemployment with citizens lacking basic services, a reflection of a staggering inequality common among rentier states. Moreover, the government is under persistent criticism for its rampant corruption, human rights violations, media suppression, and tepid protection of civil and political rights. Hence, the disparity between the external and internal environment of Djibouti, in terms of stability, largely endures but not for long.

The Sudanese Crisis has illuminated Djibouti's multifaceted significance on the global stage. Beyond its traditional roles as a strategic maritime hub and economic gateway, Djibouti has emerged as a crucial player in humanitarian operations. The country's relative political stability and strategic location have made it a preferred destination for the evacuation and relocation of personnel and refugees from neighbouring conflict zones. Furthermore, initiatives of nations, including the deployment of military forces for evacuation missions, underscore Djibouti's newfound role as a humanitarian linchpin in the region. As countries recognize the necessity of securing and maintaining military installations along Djibouti's shores, the country's strategic importance is further emphasised. In navigating complex geopolitical dynamics and addressing emergent challenges, Djibouti continues to serve as a beacon of stability and cooperation in a volatile region, solidifying its status as a cornerstone of regional stability and security.

STAIR Journal

St. Antony’s International Review (STAIR) is Oxford’s peer-reviewed Journal of International Affairs.